multitudinous ambulations

so legally stoned and pandemic sedated
solstice heat frying the loogeys
on the disgusting corporate sidewalks

better to bake at home oneself
amid multitudinous ambulations

staying up right
smiling howjadoo like woody sez howjahowjahowjahowdy
doodle doo, doosie doo 



6-23-20
portland

example

Slouching brazen swashbuckler



Deliver moist leader



Relish some service



Igneous-igloo hardy bellwether



Brachiopod coccon seat



Stuff lowborn concomitant



Geology establish bar



Scope snap granulometric



Parenthesis plant corn-dolly



Esprit longshore cornerstone



Annuity brahmin head



Takehomepay




8-27




* automatic surrealistdada poem,

Words from random dictionary

Finger points, exquisite corpse

random rock star (1988)

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Woody_Guthrie_discography


There ain't no campfire
so why would I share
Isis doing the Jabberwock
at age 5
and her sister Mesa doing
it in the following moments
age 3?

Besides,
while fascist Trump
breathes earth air

brillig
he ain't

SOS

my dad grew half a foot taller in the army
fed on shit on a shingle
whose aroma still lines his parka from that era
he went in a skinny runt from austin
he came out a tall skinny grunt 
just like Cap'n Merika only less lethal 
and less hunky not that it didn't land
mom, a nice trout.


6-22-2020

"Chipped beef is served in many diners and restaurants in the United States as a breakfast item. It is popular among the veteran community who generally refer to it as "Shit On a Shingle"; chipped beef in milk gravy (or "S.O.S.") is a common traditional meal which is served in all branches of the United States Armed Forces due to its reasonable nutritional profile, ease and speed of preparing, and relatively low cost to produce in large quantities (i.e. in quantities sufficient to properly feed an entire military outpost)"

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chipped_beef

Trump Fails Extorting Venezuela/CITGO/Maduro

"I think that I wasn't necessarily in favor, but I said - some people that liked it, some people didn't.

 I was OK with it.

I don't think it was - you know, I don't think it was very meaningful one way or the other," Trump was quoted as telling Axios"

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/06/trump-backtracks-meeting-venezuela-maduro-200622152826810.html



"Trump backtracks on meeting with Venezuela's Maduro

Trump said he was open to a meeting, seemingly contradicting his administration's pressure strategy to remove Maduro."
_____________


"MIAMI — It was mid-January and Jordan Goudreau was itching to get going on a secret plan to raid Venezuela and arrest President Nicolás Maduro when the former Special Forces commando flew to the city of Barranquilla in Colombia to meet with his would-be partner in arms."

"To get there, Goudreau and two former Green Beret buddies relied on some unusual help: a chartered flight out of Miami’s Opa Locka executive airport on a plane owned by a Venezuelan businessman so close to the government of the late Hugo Chávez that he spent almost four years in a U.S. prison for trying to cover up clandestine cash payments to its allies.

The owner of the Venezuela-registered Cessna Citation II with yellow and blue lines, identified with the tail number YV-3231, was Franklin Durán, according to three people familiar with the businessman’s movements who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation. Durán over two decades has had numerous business ties with the socialist government of Venezuela, making him an odd choice to help a band of would-be-mercenaries overthrow Maduro, the handpicked successor of the late Chávez."

"Durán and his associates are now at the center of multiple investigations in the U.S., Colombia and Venezuela into how Goudreau, a combat veteran with three Bronze Stars but little knowledge of Venezuela, managed to launch a failed raid that ended with the capture and arrest of his two Special Forces colleagues.

A Caracas court on Thursday ordered Durán’s arrest as part of its ongoing investigation into the incursion. The Supreme Court in a statement said Durán — who the AP learned was detained Sunday along with his brother — was suspected of crimes including treason, rebellion, conspiracy with a foreign government as well as arms trafficking and terrorism. The arrests of seven others were also ordered."

"The government has yet to comment on the arrest order or explain what role Durán allegedly played in the conspiracy.

But Durán’s closeness to top officials had revived allegations floated by opposition leader Juan Guaidó and U.S. officials that he was secretly working on Maduro’s behalf and had co-opted “Operation Gideon,” the name of Goudreau’s foiled plot."

"“There’s financing here from the dictatorship,” Guaidó said in an interview following the raid with EVTV Miami, an online media outlet run by Venezuelan exiles. “A businessman, a front man closely linked to the host of the gossip show,” he said in reference to socialist party boss Diosdado Cabello, whose weekly TV program, fed by nuggets from Venezuela’s vast intelligence network that he controls, first aired in March the accusations of a planned attack by Goudreau.

Maduro has claimed that Guaidó, whose aides signed a 42-page agreement last year with Goudreau in Miami outlining a plan to take control of the country, was behind last month’s raid, with backing from the CIA or the Drug Enforcement Administration. However, Goudreau said he was never paid and the two sides angrily split. For its part, the Trump administration has denied it was behind the plot, with the president joking that had the U.S. been involved it would have gone very badly for Maduro."

"The Associated Press on May 1 first broke the story of Goudreau’s bizarre plan to train a volunteer army made up of a few dozen Venezuelan military deserters at clandestine camps along the border in neighboring Colombia. They planned to attack military bases and ignite a popular uprising. Goudreau’s partner, in what some opposition leaders called a suicide mission, was retired Venezuelan army Gen. Cliver Alcalá, who had been living in Barranquilla after fleeing his homeland in 2018.

Alcalá surrendered to U.S. authorities in March after he was indicted on drug charges, just a few days after Colombian police seized a cache of weapons that the retired military officer said belonged to the rebel cadre he and Goudreau were readying to bring down Maduro.

But despite no overt U.S. support, a poorly-trained force that stood no chance against Venezuela’s sizable military and indications that Maduro’s spies had infiltrated the group, Goudreau nonetheless pushed ahead with his plans.

On May 3 — two days after the AP article — he appeared in a video from Florida claiming that a few dozen “freedom fighters” he commanded had launched a beach raid to enter Venezuela and capture Maduro. The invaders were caught almost immediately and the embattled leader paraded on state TV the American combatants as evidence of a U.S.-backed coup attempt. The raid has been widely ridiculed on social media as the “Bay of Piglets,” in reference to the 1961 Cuban fiasco."

"Why the plan went forward remains a mystery. But much attention has now shifted to the role of Durán and his brother Pedro.

Both men were quietly arrested Sunday in Venezuela, although Pedro was later released, according to Edward Shohat, Franklin Durán’s Miami-based lawyer.

The story of Goudreau’s flight aboard Durán’s plane was first reported by the PanAm Post, a conservative online publication run by mostly Venezuelan exiles from Miami.

According to Colombian flight documents the PanAm Post shared with the AP, the Jan. 16 trip was chartered by Servicios Aereos Mineros (SERAMI), a for-hire airline that started in the gold-producing Venezuelan state of Bolivar."

"An aviation industry executive confirmed the authenticity of the documents and said SERAMI was used by the Durán brothers to charter their frequent flights between Colombia and Venezuela.

The person said Franklin Durán would frequently travel to Barranquilla — passenger manifests provided to the AP show he made at least four flights between the two countries between November 2019 and January 2020 — to bring back food and other supplies to Venezuela, where U.S. sanctions and years of mismanagement have stripped store shelves of many goods.

SERAMI is partly owned by Juan Carlos Ynfante, according to two people familiar with the company. Ynfante was arrested last year in Grand Cayman island for piloting an aircraft with $135,000 in undeclared cash. Ynfante was also named as SERAMI’s president in a 2008 U.S. federal forfeiture case in which a plane with the company’s logo was seized in Ft. Lauderdale trying to smuggle 150 kilograms of cocaine.

In addition to Goudreau and Durán’s two longtime pilots, passengers on the mid-January flight included Luke Denman and Airan Berry — two of the former Army veteran’s colleagues from the 10th Special Forces Group in Stuttgart, Germany, where he was based before retiring from the U.S. Army in 2016. The two Texas natives have said in videotaped confessions that they believed Goudreau’s company, Silvercorp USA, had been hired by Guaidó."

"ts unclear why the men traveled on the plane to Colombia or if Durán even knew about it. Goudreau hung up when contacted by the AP on Wednesday. He did not respond to a text messages asking about the flight.

Also on the flight was Yacsy Álvarez. The would-be insurgents in the Colombian camps described the 39-year-old as a trusted aide to Alcalá who also worked for Durán.

One volunteer soldier said that when he needed to fly for meetings between Bogota and Barranquilla it was Álvarez who would purchase his tickets. On other occasions, he would electronically transfer her via Zelle, the digital payments network, small amounts of money he had collected from friends and family to feed the ragtag army. Denman, in his jailhouse statement, said it was Álvarez who drove him and Berry from Barranquilla to a rustic camp where the rebels were training.

Álvarez’s whereabouts are unknown."

"Álvarez was named in 2017 director of Industrias Venoco de Centroamerica, two years after the company was registered in Panama. The company is a subsidiary of Industrias Venoco, a once market-leading auto lubrication manufacturer that Durán controlled before it was nationalized by Chávez in 2010.

Durán at the time he lost Venoco was serving out a 4-year sentence in the U.S. for acting as an unregistered agent of Chávez. The firebrand leader had sent Durán to pressure businessman Alejandro Antonini, who was implicated in the so-called “Suitcase Scandal” when an attempt to smuggle $800,000 in cash to the 2007 campaign of former Argentine President Cristina Fernandez aboard a chartered aircraft was caught.

During the trial, prosecutors pointed out that Durán used to carry a badge identifying him as a Venezuelan naval intelligence officer. The men urged their one-time friend to take the fall and stay quiet but unbeknownst to them Antonini was cooperating with the FBI and recorded their conversations.

Upon Durán’s release in 2011 and return to Venezuela, a legal battle with the Venezuelan state to reclaim Venoco ensued. Durán maintained a low profile while he received treatment for cancer. Eventually some of Venoco assets, including the brand name, were returned to him, including a unit in Barranquilla. His brother, going by the artistic name Pedro “The Voice,” tried to develop a career singing salsa."

"A woman answering the phone at the Panama-based unit listed on Venoco’s website said the company is privately held and run from Barranquilla. An email sent to the Panama unit through Venoco’s website went unanswered and the two phone numbers listed for the Barranquilla-based unit on Venoco’s website did not work.

Durán was also the founder of Ruibal & Durán, a company that used to sell bulletproof vests and other equipment to Venezuela’s security forces — gear that would’ve been valuable to an invading army.

He and his brother were also close to Alcalá. Photos circulating on social media show Pedro Durán and Alcalá together including one where the two are sitting casually around a dining table with the army general sporting a Venoco t-shirt.

Franklin Durán’s U.S.-based attorney on Thursday declined to discuss what, if any relationship, he had with Goudreau or to discuss the January flight."

"But Durán appears to have never wavered in his support of the anti-imperialist revolution to which he owed his fortune.

“I’m a man of principles and convictions, which were put to the test when they tried to force me to accept a set-up against the institutions of Venezuela,” he wrote in a public letter from his Texas prison cell in 2010. “Despite all the weight of the empire’s media, and having spent more than nine months in solitary confinement, I never gave up my values.”

Investigative researcher Randy Herschaft in New York and investigative reporter James LaPorta in Delray Beach, Florida, contributed to this report."

Her Satanic Majesties Request Mr Mike Pence

"The U.S. Geological Survey recorded an earthquake near Perry at about 10:15 p.m. The temblor was originally reported at 4.2 magnitude, centered 8 km northwest of Perry. It was quickly revised to a 4.5 magnitude, centered 9 km, or just over 5.5 miles, northwest of Perry.

The quake was reported by 1176 people. Stillwater residents reported experiencing strong shaking. At least one resident reported hearing a boom before her house began shaking.

The tremors were felt as far away as Tulsa and Norman.

It was followed at 11:05 p.m. by an aftershock of 1.6 magnitude, centered 11 km northwest of Perry"

She Comes in Colors Everwhere,

From Her Satanic Majesties Request Mr Mike Pence
_______

4.2 Earthquake, Perry Ok

Frackricide

"Tulsa Police Capt. Richard Meulenberg said Trump campaign staffers directed police to arrest Buck because the event permit included the city streets surrounding the area.

“Not unlike any other private company, they reserved this area,” he said. “The campaign being the event holders, so to speak, they requested that she leave. She refused to do so. Then they called over the officers, and the officers spoke with her for several minutes trying to get her to leave on her own accord.”


Meulenberg said he had not seen contract language that allowed the campaign to direct police to arrest citizens but added, “They basically have that area, and they can pick and choose whom they want."
"

Focus of Group should be on all Students (3-11-1987, University Daily Kansan) Minimum wage, $1.60

Focus of Group should be on all Students

Wednesday, March 11, 1987, University Daily Kansan


A little after midnight March 4, I heard a clamor of voices outside. Looking out from my
residence hall window, I saw the marchers representing the Black Student Union. They
were carrying candles and signs that supposedly (I couldn't read them because of the
darkness) demanded fair treatment from the Student Senate and accused it of racism.

     I would like to point out that the BSU must accept a share of the blame. If the BSU
expects fair representation, it should work to elect more supporters of its cause.

     While the BSU may argue they are not strictly a minority organization, I would argue
against that after not having seen many white marchers that night. The president of BSU
was quoted in the Kansan as saying that all black students are immediately considered
members, while white students are free to join if they desire.

     What would be BSU's opinion of a University organization that immediately considered
whites as members, while "allowing" non whites to become members? They'd be outraged
and rightfully so. I've noticed the black "beauty pageants" advertised around campus. I
specifically remember one as boasting the titles of "Mr. Ebony and Miss Essence." What
could be the University's response to a Miss Ivory contest? A contest that might honor
the traits and virtues stereotypically defined as belonging to Caucasians?

     The BSU also should concern itself with protecting the rights of all people, including
women and homosexuals. Until they do. it will be recognized as merely a group looking
after its own interests and not one in search of universal rights.

     As I salute the leadership that got all the marchers out in the middle of the night, I
would also like to pose a few questions for these leaders. Mainly, where were these
marchers in the fall when local and state elections were taking place in November?

     I was an active member of the KU Democrats and regularly attended meetings. I
scarcely recall a black person attending any meeting, period. And I'm pretty sure that
the marchers weren't at the Republicans' meetings. The apathy of black students
concerning local politics makes it hard for me to take the march more seriously than
just a group of people acting on a whim.

     One of the most important platforms of the Kansas Democratic Party was the opposition
to the reinstatement of the death penalty. The death penalty, which is heavily biased along
racial and economic lines, discriminates against blacks and lower-class minorities. Ten
times as many blacks receive the death penalty as whites.

     I'd like to see the leaders of the BSU take a firm stance against the proposed reinstatement
of this penalty, possibly even organizing lobbying efforts at the State Capitol.

     The black voice is a loud voice and it certainly demands attention, especially when
raised in unison at midnight as it was on Wednesday. I applaud the BSU in its attempts at
fairness and hope its leader will review their focal interests. Situations of near discrimination
as well as reverse discrimination are easily found when eyes are opened. And they will see
that we need to work together to battle racial and sexual discrimination in the Legislature
and in Congress as hard, or harder, as that found on campus.

     So let us march together in the fall of 1988. Let us join forces and use the strength of
our numbers to effect change for all peoples, and not only for ourselves.


Forest Bloodgood is a sophomore from Stillwater, Oklahoma, studying English.


(re-printed verbatim 6-18-2020 Portland, Oregon.)
Black Lives Matter

see below: Minimum wage at the time in Kansas, $1.60

Mentions Homestead Grays with Jason and the Nashville Scorchers, Lawrence Kansas 1987

ASM Global Pandemic Super Spreaders

https://asmglobal.com/p/our-portfolio

"ASM Global is the world’s largest and most trusted venue management and services company operating the most prestigious entertainment, sports, and exhibition venues spanning five continents, with a portfolio of more than 300 stadiums, arenas, convention centers, entertainment districts, theaters, amphitheaters, and equestrian and recreational centers."

"Mayor G.T. Bynum, a Republican, told a news conference that “I’m not positive that everything is safe” and urged residents who planned to attend Trump’s Saturday night gathering to wear masks and take other precautions.

 Bynum said he would not be attending the rally but would greet Trump at the airport. 

He added that the company managing the venue has “sole discretion” on whether to host the event and that “it’s not my decision to make.”

Tyson Meats Criminal Negligence

https://www.wowt.com/content/news/Iowa-governors-COVID-19-response-update-for-Tuesday-May-05-2020-570206731.html

""Iowa Department of Public Health Deputy Director Sarah Reisetter said it is in the interest of public health to release the name of certain kinds of businesses -- like meat packing plants -- in an outbreak if they report 10 percent absenteeism or workforce are confirmed COVID-19 cases. Outbreaks have been confirmed at:

The Tyson Foods plant in Columbus Junction with 221 positive cases with 26 percent of its employees tested.

Iowa Premium National Beef in Tama with 258 positive cases with 39 percent of its employees tested.

The Tyson Foods plant in Waterloo with 444 positive cases with 17 percent of its employees tested.

The Tyson Foods plant in Perry with 730 positive cases with 58 percent of employees tested.

TPI Composites in Newton with 131 positive cases with 13 percent of employees tested."

May 5, 2020

William S.Sessions Citizen Kane Hello Cup A Joe McCarty

"Despite being a Republican who was appointed by Reagan, Sessions disappointed the administration of President George H. W. Bush for not being partisan, and he was personally disliked by Attorney General Dick Thornburgh. 

Sessions had an uneasy relationship with Thornburgh's successor William P. Barr. 

Reflecting the tensions between the Justice Department and the independent Bureau, Sessions announced that the FBI would be looking into whether Justice Department officials illegally misled a federal judge in a politically sensitive bank fraud case involving loans to Iraq before the Persian Gulf War, and 48 hours later Sessions was the subject of an ethics investigation on whether he had abused his office perks.

Sessions enjoyed his strongest support among liberal Democrats in Congress. Sessions was applauded for pursuing a policy of broadening the FBI to include more women and minorities, efforts which upset the "old boys" at the Bureau".

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_S._Sessions

"After a two-month search, Sessions was nominated to succeed William H. Webster as FBI Director by President Ronald Reagan and was sworn in on November 2, 1987."

  

"William Sessions, FBI director fired by Bill Clinton, dies aged 90"

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/jun/13/william-sessions-fbi-director-fired-bill-clinton-dies

.

https://www.c-span.org/video/?12746-1/silverado-savings-loan-closure

"McCarty was 14 years old when his mother died. Sarah Brown, the owner of a boarding house, gave him room and board in exchange for work."

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Billy_the_Kid

Michael Hurley Concert Posters, Forest Bloodgood on Fiddle/Violin

Trump Chose Tulsa Deadwood

 Freeman Bloodgood, only sister Mary Belinda Couchman (Bloodgood) I'm making this up just like reality made it up.

https://www.sdhspress.com/journal/south-dakota-history-27-3/justice-in-transition-the-murder-trial-of-straight-head-and-scares-the-hawk/vol-27-no-3-justice-in-transition.pdf

Peter Couchman:

""Peter Couchman, married to Mary Bloodgood, Cheyenne River Indian Agent

The end of the nineteenth century brought about the beginning of the Canton Asylum for Insane Indians. Indian agent Peter Couchman had suggested a separate facility for Indian patients in 1897, Senator Richard Pettigrew had endorsed the suggestion, and the Indian Bureau had cooperated in forwarding his cause.

The asylum, however, was a relatively minor matter for most of the country’s population, who focused, instead, on the Spanish-American War."

https://www.newspapers.com/newspage/102115186/

http://www.sdhspress.com/journal/south-dakota-history-27-3/justice-in-transition-the-murder-trial-of-straight-head-and-scares-the-hawk/vol-27-no-3-justice-in-transition.pdf

"Despite the shaky evidence, the court commissioner
bound the three policemen over to the United States
grand jury set to convene at Deadwood, South Dakota, in
February 1895.

 Agent Couchman objected strenuously to
the action, considering the matter long settled. In a letter
to the commissioner of Indian affairs, he called the men
involved "the best men I have on the force, [who] always
cheerfully and promptly obey their orders, and are very
careful not to go beyond them or exceed their authority
in any way."-^"'

Miller convened the grand juiy on 5 February 1893, in
Deadwood, South Dakota.

 John Whitlock of the original
coroner's jury questioned the location of the proceedings,
stating in a letter to Herbert Welsh of the Indian Rights Association
that Miller chose Deadwood "only because it
was thought the sentiment there was against the Indian
race."
https://www.sdhspress.com/journal/south-dakota-history-27-3/justice-in-transition-the-murder-trial-of-straight-head-and-scares-the-hawk/vol-27-no-3-justice-in-transition.pdf






"In the transition from tribal to reservation life, the decline of traditional American Indian systems of justice and
the subsequent division of responsibilities for law and order among tribal, state, and federal governments caused
major adjustments. Administration of justice through these
various jurisdictional layers was not perfect, especially in
the early years, and abuses occurred. On the other hand,
the same system that sometimes stymied and frustrated
American Indians and their supporters was also capable
of serving up justice. The 1895 conviction, imprisonment,
and eventual exoneration of Cheyenne River tribal policemen Captain Moses Straight Head and Lieutenant Joshua
Scares the Hawk is a case in point. Jailed for the self-defense shooting of William Fielder, a white man living on
the reservation, the two policemen succeeded in a.sserting
their civil rights and gaining their freedom, although the
flght was long and hard. Policemen and agents on other
reservations, as well as Indian policy reformers, watched
the case closely, viewing it as a test of the system they had
helped to institute"

The story of Straight Head and Scares the Hawk began
in 1878, when Congress appropriated money for the creation of tribal police forces to assist Indian agents in "maintaining order and prohibiting illegal traffic in liquor on the
several Indian re.servations."' Armed, mounted, and salaried
by the United States government, the Indian officers were
empowered to arrest or remove individuals who violated
Interior Department ailes governing disorderly conduct,
dainkenness, wife beating, theft, and similar behaviors. On
tlie Cheyenne River Indian Resei-vation, tlie police force
grew from nine men in 1878 to twenty-seven by 1893. A
white man served as police chief, while Straight Head andScares the Hawk served as ranking officers, receiving a
salary of fifteen dollars per month. The force's twenty-five
privates received ten dollars each.
The Indian agent at each reservation appointed the policemen, and the secretary of the interior approved the
nominations annually. Beginning in 1883, agents also nominated judges for the courts of Indian offenses, which had
been established to try the cases of Indian offenciers on the
reservations. These new institLitions paralleled traditional
warrior societies and elder councils, helping to bridge the
white and Indian cultures by involving American Indians in
the process of maintaining law and order in their reservation communities.-
The establishment of Indian police and courts did little,
however, to remedy the gaps in jurisdiction, a problem that
became worse as more non-Indians moved into reserv^ation
areas. Wliile some Indian policy reformers argued for a
blanket extension of United States law to all reservations,
that did not occur until 1885, and then only partially, when
Congress enacted the Major Crimes Act. The law replaced
traditional tribal justice mechanisms relating to Indians who

committed serious crimes on the reservations,
giving authority for their prosecution to the United States government.
The act placed seven major crimes under federal jurisdiction:

 murder, manslaughter, rape, assault with intent
to kill, arson, burglary, and larceny.

 The measure grew out
of Ex Parte Crow Dog, a case in which the murderer of
Spotted Tail, a chief of the Brûlé Sioux of the Rosebud In
dian Reservation, was set free when the United States Supreme Court determined that no law existed to govern the
killing of one Indian by another on a reservation.'
The major crimes legislation did not solve a special problem that Indian police and courts were !)eginning to encounter, however. A small population of white males, often with Indian wives, now lived on reservations like the
Cheyenne River reservation in north-central South Dakota and committed petty crimes. Although the tribal police
could remove such offenders from the reservation, the
tribal court lacked authority to prosecute them. Federal
law provided fines but no prison sentences for these petty criminals. Because these men lived off the tribe or their
wives' allotments and had little or no property of their
own to attach, such fines were an ineffective deterrent."
The jurisdictional gaps on the Cheyenne River reservation fostered a no-man's land for non-Indian troublemakers, a situation that ultimately led to the shooting of William
Fielder and the subsequent trial in federal court of seven
tribal policemen. Fielder, a white man, had spent his adult
life with the Lakota, who called him "Has the Boat." He became an interpreter at Cheyenne River Agency in 1873 and
served as official interpreter for an 1875 delegation to
Washington, D.C. The Cheyenne River Indian agent appointed him chief of the tribal police in 1878, the year the
force was organized. Over the next few years, however,
Fielder developed a reputation as a drinker and trouble
maker and was eventually removed from the post.^ On several occasions, agents ordered Indian police to remove him
from the reservation for his conduct, but he always returned, claiming his right to live there as the husband of
a Lakota woman.
In 1887, Agent Charles E. McChesney sought assistance
from the United States Indian Sei-vice to remove Fielder
permanently from Cheyenne River, but he received little
help or encouragement. Acting Commissioner Alexander
B. Upshaw refuted Eielder's right to live on the reservation solely because of his marriage to Kate Eielder, telling..." the agent that he "could acquire no rights on the reservation" in that way. UnforUinately, he continued, "the absence
of any law providing for the adequate punishment of [petty] offenses" committed by those who lacked property
meant that the predicament had no solution. McChesney's
only recourse, according to Upshaw, was to evict Eielder
"whenever he is found on the reservation."'" This jurisdictional void was a major factor in the incident that cost
Fielder his life.
The event precipitating the clash between Fielder and
the Indian police occurred in early March 1893, when the
United States paid Cheyenne River claimants for nearly
one thousand horses that General Alfred Terry had seized
during the Sioux War of 1876.^ On the morning of 7
March 1893, William Fielder's wife, Kate Fielder, walked
the mile from her home to the agency to claim two hundred dollars for five horses confiscated from her in 1876.
That afternoon she gave her husband $105 to pay his
debts and buy clothes for his boys, explaining later that
she had done so out of fear because he was drunk at the
time. Fielder later demanded more money, and she refused, having concealed the remainder in her pillow. He
then threatened to kill her and in an ugly rage struck her
with an ash stick. Finally, Fielder threw water on his unconscious wife to revive her and made her promise not to
tell anyone about the incident."*
After the beating, William Fielder left for Forest City,
across the Missouri River from the agency, and Kate Fielder went to see Cheyenne River agent Frank Lillibridge who sent her to the agency physician to have her wounds
dressed.'' Later that day, William Fielder visited the agency
and asked his wife to return home, which she refused to
do because "he had a knife" and would "cut her throat,"
she said.'" Her husband also went to the office of the agent,
who did not have him arrested at tliat time because the
"large and powerful man" was "crazed" with drink and could
not be handled by the single policeman then on duty. According to Lillibridge, chief of police William Fletcher visited
Fielder at lois house twice that afternoon to persuade him to
surrender." When Fielder refused, tlireatening Fletcher and
his accompanying officers with a wrench and an ax, the
agent delayed further action until he could gather a larger
force of men.'' Private Joseph Gray Spotted Horse, one of
the policemen with Fletcher, later recalled Fielder telling
them, "I am not afraid of your six shooters. You have to
kill me before you can take me—that is the only way you
can take [me].'"^
According to Lieutenant Joshua Scares the Hawk, at
midday Agent Lillibridge advised Captain Moses Straight
Head, who had been absent earlier, not to arrest Fielder
but to wait one day and see if he would surrender. Instead, Straight Head decided to arrest Fielder immediately, ordering six tribal police to accompany him." At about
5:00 P.M. on 8 March, Captain Straight Head rode ahead,
planning to talk to Fielder before the other police arrived.
As he approached the house, the officer saw Fielder standing outside with an ax in his hand. He called the white man
by bis Lakota name, Wata, and, according to Gray Spotted
Horse, "talked good to him all day—but got no answer.'"^
The remaining tribal police approached slowly, attempting
to coax Fielder into going to the agency. Private Dennis
Buck offered to speak to Fielder in English. Gray Spotted
Horse reminded him of the consequences of bis actions
for his large family, telling Fielder that he had "bad notions in your head—we do not come up to hurt you.""*
Lieutenant Scares the Hawk told Fielder that "he must not
have any hard feelings—and have pity or mercy on us—
and come along." The lieutenant "asked and begged him
four times to come," but Fielder ran inside the cabin, shut
the door, and told the seven men to leave.'' Finally, Gray
Spotted Horse forced a decision in the stalemate, reminding Straight Head "that this being Indian land—as policemen we can go any where—and dig him out,"'"
Advising his men to be on their guard, Straight Head
kicked in a door panel, opened the door, and retreated a
step. Fielder came out after the captain, raising his ax, which
lodged in the edge of the low roof. Straight Head then
drew his revolver, firing when Fielder came at him with
the ax a second time.'"' Tlie captain later explained, "I
stepped back when I saw he wanted to strike me—and then
I fired—he was about four feet from me." Either the force of
the bullet or Fielder's momentum from swinging the ax
turned liim toward the other policemen, who stood about
six feet away. Lieutenant Scares the Hawk fired a second
shot, followed by shots from all but one of tlie other policemen.'"
Jacob Little Bull, a tribal freighter, reported that he had
driven his wagon to Fielder's home and reached the scene
shortly before tlie shooting. He, too, witnessed Fielder come
out of the house witli an ax. After the shooting, someone
covered Fielder's face, and the policemen placed the body
on a wagon and reUimed to the agency.''
The following day, 9 March 1893, Agent LiUibridge convened a coroner's jury to determine Fielder's cause of
death." Agency trader John F Whitlock, Episcopalian missionary Reverend Edward Ashley, and issue clerk Roger G.
Morton served as inquest members. After examining tlie
body and listening to testimony from eleven witnesses, tliey
concluded that the deceased "died from the effect of pistol
shots fired by U. S. Indian Police of this Agency, said firing
being self defense, while Fielder was resisting arrest, and
attempting to kill some of the Police."--^ Concluding his re
port on the matter, Lillibridge wrote, "I can only say that
the Police have done their dut>'."^^
Undoubtedly, the judgment was partially based on the
fact that the tribal police involved were seasoned and experienced. Straight Head, a thirty-seven-year-old Minneconjou, had held the position of captain since 1889. In
1886, he had seived as a tribal judge; he was a man who
understood legal procedures and boundaries of authority.
Lieutenant Scares the Hawk, a forty-one-year-old Sans
Arc, likewise had several years of police experience. The
remaining police had joined the force after 1889 but were
mature men in their thirties and forties, except for Dennis
Buck, who was in his twenties.'' Following the inquest, it
appeared that everyone considered justice served and the
case closed. Kate Fielder would not suffer further at the
hands of her husband, and the Cheyenne River coroner's
jury had vindicated the seven policemen. There was every
reason to believe that the Fielder case was closed, but the
existence of multiple jurisdictions dictated otherwise.
Because William Fielder had died at the hands of Indians on a reservation, the Major Crimes Act extending federal authority for the prosecution of serious crimes committed on Indian reservations came into play. Accordingly, United States Attorney for South Dakota William B.
Sterling initiated an investigation of Fielder's death even
though he "was satisfied that rhe Indian Police had not
been guilty of any crime."^"^ United States Deputy Marshal
Frank Keyes subsequently arrested the seven policemen
and took them before a United States court commissioner who bound them over to a grand jury that convened
on 28 March 1893 in Pierre.^' The grand jury found no
reason to prosecute the men. and Sterling concluded, "No
blame can be attached to the agent and none to the Indian Police except, perhaps that they were too hasty in their
action."^
In 1894, Sterling's successor, Ezra W. Miller, a Democrat
from Elk Point, South Dakota, decided to retry the seven
tribal policemen for murder. As an appointee of Democratic President Grover Cleveland in a Republican-dominated state, Miller was unpopular, and his popularity probably dropped even further after he filed a timber trespass
suit against the powerful Homestake Mining Company.^^
Miller may have believed the successful prosecution of a
murder charge against one or all of the seven tribal policemen would improve his status in the state. He justified his
action in a letter to United States Attorney General Richard
Olney, alluding to the possibility of a cover-up and writing
that he was "satisfied in my own mind that they are guilty
of murder; that two or three of them at least went to his
house with the intention of killing [Fielder]."^"
Miller found willing allies in his case against the tribal
police. One was William Benoist, a Cheyenne River resident of mixed descent. Fluent in both Lakota and English,
he lived on the Cheyenne River reservation where Agent
Lillibridge's successor, Peter Couchman, called him a "disturber of long standing." Over the years, Benoist had had
"difficulties" with fomier agents and exliibited "the strongest
animosity" toward police captain Moses Straight Head,
Couchman continued.^' Joining Benoist in support of a trial
for the policemen were several Forest City residents, including Jacob Kluth, a United States deputy marshal who
also owned the store where Fielder bad purchased goods
immediately before his death, and another merchant,
Charles Bailey.'- Reverend Ashley, a member of the original coroner's jury, reported later that he overheard Bailey
say that he wanted to testify against the tribal police because "there was money in it, and it would be a nice trip
to Deadwood [site of the next grand jury].'"'
Miller's first move was to have Privates Dennis Buck,
Joseph Gray Spotted Horse, and James Crane arrested and
charged with murder in what Agent Couchman contended was a "test case" aimed at eventually charging the rest
of the force. Authorities then took the three tribal policemen to Gettysburg, South Dakota, across the Missouri River
from the agency, for a preliminary hearing before a United
States court commissioner on 5 January 1895.^^ Roger Mor
ton, Yellow Horse, and Jacob Little Bull of Cheyenne River Agency, along with Charles Bailey of Forest City, appeared before the grand jury as witnesses, although none
had observed the actual shooting. Charles Bailey provided some damaging testimony, claiming that he had seen
the police kill Fielder and "afterward put a rope around
his neck and drag him about twenty rods." Bailey, however, had viewed the incident from across the river at Forest City, about one mile distant. Due to the range and the
time of day (Fielders death occurred at dusk on a late
winter evening). Bailey could not identify specific individuals.^^ Buck would later testify that Bailey also offered
"to get me out of my trouble" in exchange for twenty-five
dollars, an offer the private refused.^'
Despite the shaky evidence, the court commissioner
bound the three policemen over to the United States
grand jury set to convene at Deadwood, South Dakota, in
February 1895. Agent Couchman objected strenuously to
the action, considering the matter long settled. In a letter
to the commissioner of Indian affairs, he called the men
involved "the best men I have on the force, [who] always
cheerfully and promptly obey their orders, and are very
careful not to go beyond them or exceed their authority
in any way."-^"'
Miller convened the grand juiy on 5 February 1893, in
Deadwood, South Dakota. John Whitlock of the original
coroner's jury questioned the location of the proceedings,
stating in a letter to Herbert Welsh of the Indian Rights Association that Miller chose Deadwood "only because it
was thought the sentiment there was against the Indian
race." According to Whitlock, several members of the bar

there also believed that Deadwood had been chosen precisely because "a fair trial could not be had there."^"

The grand jury proceedings seemed to confirm Whitlock's claims. First, William Benoist served as interpreter;

Couchman complained that he was an improper person

to act in that capacity because of his past troubles with

the tribal police.^" Second, Miller's actions determined who

would and would not testify. Wlien the grand jury issued

subpoenas for defense witnesses from Cheyenne River,

Miller refused to call them, stating, according to Whitlock,

that "not a damned one should go before them.""' Finally,

Miller refused to allow the court to pay the travel costs of

the defense witnesses, whose trip to Deadwood via steam

boat and rail totaled nine hundred miles. Several grand jury

members were uncomfortable with the district attorney's actions and sought assistance from a Deadwood lawyer, but

Miller prevailed, and no witnesses for the defense testified

before the grand jury. As a result, on 13 February 1895,

twenty grand jurors issued an indictment charging all seven

tribal policemen with William Fielder's murder."

After the indictments were handed down. Private Dennis Buck claimed that Miller took him from his cell to the

attorney's Deadwood office, where he had assembled

Charles Bailey, Jacob Kluth, and William Benoist. Miller

then reportedly pressured the young private to testify

against the other six policemen, first addressing him condescendingly as a "good boy" and later insinuating that

Buck would not "see his wife again" unless he cooperated. Buck testified that he told Miller, "Even if you want to

hang those people to night [sic] 1 will be with them." The

next morning, according to Buck's affidavit, Miller, Benoist,

and a local attorney again visited Buck in jail, telling him

that if he gave the local attorney twenty-five dollars he

would get out of jail "that day."^^

Reports of Miller's actions soon reached friends of the

Indians. A correspondent for the New York Evening Post

wrote, "It seems to have been enough for the AttorneyGeneral that a new Democratic District Attorney, who

from all accounts was a gentlemen of the strictly South

Dakota frontier type, had found it convenient to satisfy

the cravings of a populace always ready to condemn a

• Indian' with or without a hearing, by raking up a

matter nearly two years old." The story concluded that in

stead of seeking justice "the State [was]. . . . subjecting

tliese men to trial by 'a jury of the vicinage [the hostile

community of Deadwood]'!"^^ Within the state. Agent Couchman reported that Lakota people on other reservations

viewed the proceedings as nothing more than "persecution."

Tlie tribal police threatened to resign in mass in a show of

"how deeply they felt the injustice of the treatment accorded their fellow-members of the force."*'

At this point, neither Indian nor white opinion could

stop the legal proceedings, and the seven defendants were

turned over to the United States Circuit Court at Deadwood

for trial. Tlie presiding judge was Elmer S. Dundy from Nebraska, who had heard prior cases involving the civil

rights of American Indians. In Standing Bear v. Crook, he

had ruled that Indians had a right to sue for habeas corpus in federal court.'^ On 13 February 1895, the seven policemen appeared without legal counsel before Dundy for

their arraignment and pleaded not guilty. Because they

were destitute, Dundy appointed John H. Burns and

Granville G. Bennett of Deadwood to defend them."*'' The

trial began on 6 March and concluded just over a week

later when the jury returned a verdict of not guilty on the

murder charges for all seven men. Jurors did, however,

find Captain Straight Head and Lieutenant Scares the

Hawk "guilty of assault with intent to do great bodily

harm" but recommended that under the circumstances

they should be dealt with extreme liencey [sicV^

Dundy informed the jur^--, that their improperly worded

verdict combined their findings and comments, and he in

staicted Miller's assistant, Stephen B. Van Buskirk, to redraw it in proper legal form. When Van Buskirk returned

the document to the judge, Dundy reportedly remarked

to jurors that they "might make some changes in that verdict." Looking it (3ver carefully, the jury discovered that

Van Buskirk had replaced their finding of 'intent to do

great bodily injury" with the stronger phrase "intent to

kill." Perceiving that Van Buskirk had attempted to trick

them, the incensed jurors informed the court that their

verdict had t.:)een improperly stated. It was then redrawn

correctly, and the jurors were dismissed.'" In redrafting the

verdict, Van Buskirk had undoubtedly been aware that

the only statutory authority for prosecuting and punishing

the American Indian men, the Major Crimes Act, did not

delineate the crime of "assault with intent to do great bodily injury."'" Judge Dundy was also aware of this fact, for

he took "the matter [of sentencing] under advisement" and

released the men on one-thousand-dollars bail. All seven

policemen returned to Cheyenne River reservation in the

middle of March.'"

Straight Head and Scares the Hawk returned to Deadwood for sentencing on 30 March, when Dundy ordered

them to serve one year and one day at hard labor in the

South Dakota State Penitentiary at Sioux Falls.^' Even

though the verdict had failed to comply with the wording

of the Major Crimes Act, Dundy concluded that in a jury trial he was bound to sentence the men, and he gave them

the lightest sentence possible. In accepting the jury's verdict, however, Dundy had also insured that the defense

attorneys would have a strong basis for appeal on habeas

corpus, a tactic he knew well from past experience. In case

that failed. Dundy also wrote President Grover Cleveland

requesting "a full and complete pardon" for Straight Head

and Scares the Hawk.'''

As a Lînited States marshal escorted the policemen to

the penitentiary, lawyers Burns and Bennett filed a petition for a writ of habeas corpus in federal court in Sioux

Falls on 8 April 1895. Tlie right of habeas corpus, literally

defined as •'prt)ducing the prisoner," is a protection against

illegal imprisonment specified in article one of the United

States Constitution. The court, by applying habeas corpus,

can order the release of an individual who has been wrongly incarcerated.^^ In their petition, the attorneys claimed that

"there is no such crime known to the laws of the United

States as assault with intent to do great bodily injury and

no punishment prescribed by the laws of the United

States for such offense, and that the judgments and sentences rendered and entered on said verdicts against your

petitioners are absolutely null and void." The arguments

of Burns and Bennett convinced federal judge Alonzo J.

Edgerton that Straight Head's and Scares the Hawk's constitutional rights had been violated, and on 25 April 1895,

Edgerton signed the habeas corpus order claiming that

Warden Nye E. Phillips was illegally depriving Straight

Head and Scares the Hawk of their liberty.'"

After initially ordering Miller to challenge Judge Fdgerton's decision. United States Attorney General Richard Olney dropped the appeal in response to growing pressure

from tlie Indian Rights Association.^^ At the urging of the

defendants' supporters, the national group had looked into

the matter and presented Olney with a petition signed by

New York attorney Everett P. Wheeler, former Secretary of

the Interior Carl Schurz, and others, asking the attorney

general to investigate the conduct of Miller and Van

Buskirk. Wheeler accused the two South Dakota attorneys

of actions "most prejudicial to the interest of the Government, and calculated to inspire tlie Indians with a sentiment that good faith was not being used toward them,

and thus to destroy their confidence in the administration

of the Indian Department."^'' In response, the Department

of Justice sent examiner Leigh Chalmers to South Dakota

to look into the charges. Chalmers found Miller and Van

Buskirk innocent of any wrongdoing.^' Shortly thereafter,

Olney stepped down as attorney general, and the Justice

Department dropped the matter entirely.

As the Straight Head and Scares the Hawk case became

a victory for constitutional rights. Commissioner of Indian

Affairs Daniel M. Browning encc?uraged President Grover

Cleveland to honor the seven police for the Fielder affair.^

By thus acting on his 1885 inaugural speech in which he

had pledged that "the Indians . . . shall be fairly and honestly treated as wards of the Government." Cleveland

could gain favor in the eyes of those pressing for Indian

policy reform.^^ The awards came with a stipulation, however. In a letter to Agent Couchman, the commissioner of

Indian affairs made it clear that the medals would be

withheld if "their conduct, or the conduct of any one of

them, has been since the trial, such as to forfeit the consideration to which they would otherwise be entitled."'*

Couchman responded that the conduct oí the seven men

had been exemplary, and in February 1896 he presented

them with medals in the name of the president "as a reward of merit, and in recognition of their faithful discharge

of duty, under the direction of the Agent, on the occasion

of the killing of William Fielder while resisting arrest.'"" For

the seven policemen, the medals' luster was undoubtedly

tarnished Even though the liberation of Straight Head and Scares

the Hawk from prison helped to satisfy those who had

rallied to the defense of the tribal police, the problem of

multiple jurisdictions on Indian reservations remained. After the Deadwood trial, South Dakota Episcopal Bishop

William Hobart Hare had written to President Cleveland

about the problem. "If Indian police are made to fear that

they will be committing a crime if they obey orders and

defend themselves when attacked, the police force is, of

course, doomed," Hare said. They are, he concluded, "just

as ti'uly the representatives of lawful authority putting forth

its power in behalf of law and order as constables and police are among our white people."'"'

The story of Captain Straight Head and Lieutenant Scares

the Mawk pointed out the lapses in reservation law enforcement. No (jne was more aware of the prol:)lem than

reservation residents, who wanted their policemen to arrest non-Indian offenders for crimes committed on Indian

land. After World War II, a case similar to that of Straight

Head and Scares the Hawk arose on the Lower Brule Indian Reservation in central South Dakota. In November

1947, Indian policemen William Red Owl and Charlie

Long Turkey attempted to arrest Alfred Hickey, a white

resident of Lower Brule, for arguing with them and striking Red Owl as he sat in his police car. When Red Owl

tried to hit Hickey with the butt of his pistol, the weapon

discharged, killing Hickey*"

United States Court Commissioner David M. Rogers

evenaially dismissed murder charges against both Indian

policemen, but the case prompted South Dakota's representative in Congress, Francis H. Case, to introduce legislation conferring authority for reservation law enforcement on state and county officials. The bill failed, but in

1948, Congress revised and codified Title 18 of the United States Code extending federal jurisdiction over major

crimes committed by Indians against either Indians or

non-Indians on tribal lands."- This act only partially closed

the jurisdictional canyon. Authority over non-Indians who

committed crimes against Indians continued to be a

source of debate, particularly as the movement for termination of federal assistance to Indian tribes gained momentum in the 1950s. 

Copyright © 1997 by the South Dakota State Historical Society. All Rights Reserved

_________



"The drugstore chains Walgreens and CVS Health say they will stop locking up beauty and hair care products aimed at black women and other women of color, joining Walmart in ending a practice at some stores that has drawn the ire of customers."


https://www.theguardian.com/business/2020/jun/11/walgreens-cvs-beauty-hair-products-women-of-color

NRA OKC Terrorism Oliver North and Good Thinkers

"Just days before the deadly Oklahoma City bombing, where a domestic terrorist targeted federal agents and killed 168 people, the NRA sent out a fundraising letter in which NRA CEO Wayne LaPierre referred to federal agents as 





“armed terrorists dressed in Ninja black … jack-booted thugs armed to the teeth who break down doors, open fire with automatic weapons and kill law-abiding citizens.”

The “jack-booted thugs” imagery has long been associated with Nazi storm troopers.

The letter showed just how far the NRA was sliding into lunatic conspiracy territory, but the organization’s refusal to recant LaPierre’s words in the wake of the bombing six days later seemed to be the last straw for Bush.

 He reacted by publicly resigning his membership."

https://www.nbcnews.com/think/opinion/george-h-w-bush-s-public-rejection-nra-exemplified-his-ncna944086

"His letter to the organization stated that “your broadside against Federal agents deeply offends my own sense of decency and honor; and it offends my concept of service to country.

 It indirectly slanders a wide array of government law enforcement officials, who are out there, day and night, laying their lives on the line for all of us.”

Bush was of an era where it was important to recognize who the good guys were and who the bad guys were. Comparing U.S. law enforcement to Nazis while advocating for irresponsible gun policy would have been tough for a guy like Bush to swallow. So he didn’t."
_______________


"

Tulsa, Trump and Nunes, Oligarchs Bigotry Juneteenth Massacre DIRT

“Begin it where warm waters halt /
 And take it in the canyon down, / 
Not far, but too far to walk. /
 Put in below the home of Brown,”

 reads the second stanza of Fenn’s poem that would send treasure hunters to scour five western states.

On 7 June, Fenn, a former air force fighter pilot turned art and antiquities dealer, told the Santa Fe New Mexican newspaper that a man from the eastern US had recently located his treasure, which has variously been valued anywhere from $1m to $2m.

According to Fenn’s website, it was found “under a canopy of stars in the lush, forested vegetation of the Rocky Mountains and had not moved from the spot where I hid it more than 10 years ago”.

https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2020/jun/11/rocky-mountain-treasure-hunt-found-forrest-fenn

________

"The announcement that Trump would hold a political rally on Juneteenth in a city — where as many as 300 black people were killed by mobs of white people — shocked some historians.

“It’s almost blasphemous to the people of Tulsa and insulting to the notion of freedom for our people, which is what Juneteenth symbolizes,” said CeLillianne Green, a historian, poet, lawyer and author of the book “A Bridge: The Poetic Primer on African and African American Experiences.”

“I’m speechless. That day is the day those people in Texas found out they were free. The juxtaposition of the massacre of black people and Juneteenth, the delayed notice you are free, is outrageous. Juneteenth symbolized our freedom.”


https://www.washingtonpost.com/history/2020/06/11/juneteenth-trump-rally-tulsa-race-massacre/#comments-wrapper
___________


"BARTIROMO: What happened to your suit with -- what happened to your suit against CNN? I mean, they're going to say, free speech.

NUNES: Yes, well, that's still -- that's still ongoing, right? That's a good example.

Just a few months ago, after their impeachment hoax blew up in the House of Representatives, what did they do? They said that I was doing nefarious things in Vienna, Austria, when, in fact, I had proof that I wasn't in Vienna, Austria, when they said that I was there. 

This is a very similar case, in that they said that I spoke to the president, went to the White House and spoke to the president about Admiral Maguire.

BARTIROMO: Yes.

NUNES: Look, I was in Tulsa, Oklahoma, on the days in question. 

BARTIROMO: OK. "

https://www.realclearpolitics.com/video/2020/03/01/devin_nunes_plans_to_sue_washington_post_for_pushing_russia-gate_90_narrative.html

__________


"Rep. Devin Nunes, the ranking Republican member on the House Intelligence Committee, spent nearly $57,000 on a trip to Europe for him and his staff to allegedly investigate former Vice President Joe Biden, records show.

The figures seem to confirm allegations made by Lev Parnas—a Ukrainian-born American who worked as a "fixer" for Rudy Giuliani before being indicted on criminal charges—who said that he helped Nunes arrange meetings with various Ukrainian officials to dig up dirt on Biden.


Parnas said he met Nunes in a secretive trip to Vienna, Austria, between November and December 2018, and put him in touch with former Ukrainian Prosecutor General Victor Shokin—the lawyer who was ousted from his position in 2016 after pressure from Western leaders, including Biden, who said he was not doing enough to combat corruption.


Reports filed with the Office of the Clerk for the House of Representatives show that Nunes claimed expenses for a four-day trip to Europe at the time in question between November 30 and December 3.

Four entries for "commercial airfare" were claimed for Scott Glabe, George Pappas, Derek Harvey and Nunes himself."

They accuse Trump and his associates of allegedly attempting to enlist a foreign government to dig up dirt on a domestic political opponent, while Congressionally approved aid was withheld until the request was met—in essence, bribery."

https://www.newsweek.com/devin-nunes-spent-57000-flights-europe-allegedly-investigate-bidens-1473765

"This is a complaint against Rep. Nunes for abuse of his official office in violation of House rule XXIII."

_________

Tulsa, home of the Cover Up
literally
and home of Transactional Dirt

______

"OKLAHOMA CITY, April 25 -- The Secret Service began paying its last respects to at least five agents killed in the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building. State troopers fired a three-gun salute and many officers were in tears Monday when agent Cynthia Campbell Brown, 26, was buried with military honors at Sherman, Texas, about 200 miles south of Oklahoma City. 

Brown was one of six agents in the Secret Service office last Wednesday when the 9:04 a.m. explosion tore the nine-story building apart. One agent is among the more than 160 people still missing, officials said. Classmates who graduated with Brown from Secret Service training less than a year ago carried her flag-draped coffin.



 The native of Rantoul, Ill, grew up in Sherman and attended Baylor University at Waco. Secret Service Director Eljay Bowron, his voice breaking with emotion, said Brown was 'special' because of the pride she and her fellow classmates exhibited when they graduated last year. 'We will not allow the heinous act in Oklahoma City to damage that bond,' he said. 'That is the fabric that has held this agency together for nearly 130 years.'

 Just six weeks ago, Brown was wed to special agent Ron Brown, who is stationed in Portland, Ore. 

The marriage ceremony was in the Grace United Methodist Church, the same church where her funeral was held. Bowron said five Secret Service agents were confirmed killed in the blast and a sixth is still missing.

Officials confirmed Secret Service agents Alan G. Whicher, Donald R. Leonard, Mickey Maroney and Kathy Seidl also were killed. 

Maroney worked on Lady Bird Johnson's protective detail and Whicher was part of President George Bush's detail during the Reagan years.

 Since the Secret Service was formed in 1865, only 21 agents have been killed in the line of duty."

https://www.upi.com/Archives/1995/04/25/Secret-Service-agents-funerals-begin/1591798782400/

_______

"

https://www.indianz.com/News/2020/05/11/supreme-court-takes-up-sovereignty-case.asp

Queen on a Fell Pony, Consort Philip Turns 99

"The Fell Pony is a versatile, working breed of mountain and moorland pony originating in the north of England in Cumberland and Westmorland (now Cumbria) and Northumberland. It was originally bred on the fell farms of northwest England, and is used as a riding and driving pony.

The breed is closely related to its geographic neighbour, the Dales Pony, but is a little smaller and more pony-like in build. The Fell Pony is noted for hardiness, agility, strength, and sure-footedness."

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fell_pony

Prince Phillip (the guy in the carriage) and Queen Elizabeth, London, 1983----flb
_________________

Portugal USA Romania Netherlands Germany Greece Russia-------welcome to bloggod

i know neither poem nor song

i know neither poem nor song

i ne'er been rollyskating drunk

i'm unable to change my soil 

          but i can push'em buttons


i warn't in paris that fall

isolde my care fer dogfood

i graft my priest an ounce of troof;

         He said my bags were verboten ;


I'm incapable of gluttony

                        tho i cain't even spit,

i never meant to but i had to  

            (rain against the sky: vitamin X)



            I know neither poem nor song

            i know either dance And verse

i refuse to coach your hearse

spew reverse      
less fantastic curse


             *coda*



(little things grew  into big things clothing,

eventually the naked came crawling

thru the crowd.  )

________________